Hamilton Is. Race Video!

Have a look at this brutal brutal course. 170 age group athletes and a few elites on a 200 athlete capped course, this was a fun day.

Race report and a few pics will be up tonight.

Been paying way too much attention to...

This

This

This

These (with creative omission to the obvious 'LP stop')








And been paying way too much attention deficit to the following


 

Exam will be done by Tuesday AM, and Wednesday will be welcomed with a flight to Hamilton Island for the triathlon. I can do that!

Cheers

Noosa Footage

Not from this year, but just as good archival footage. In my blog about this years race, I spoke about contrasts between how it went down this year, and how it went down back on '07 when Craig last raced. So here's the authentic version!

I'm proud to announce a new partnership with Garmin Australia.

Anyone who doesn't know about this fantastic company has been in a coma for the greater part of a decade. I have been using a few Garmin products for years now, and am happy to say now that I will be using many more, so keep your eyes on my Garmin Connect page.

I will be using;

Edge 800 *
Edge 500
Forerunner 410 ^
Forerunner 310xt
Forerunner 110 
nüvi 3790T

* denotes check this out ASAP
^ denotes check this out even more ASAP


I love data, and I'm all too happy to share it... a flood is imminent. Remember,

Follow the Leader!

 

Neways Heathly Homes- November 2010

Post-script

I've started studying for exams next week, which reminded me to post my assignment from a few weeks ago. I study history/international relations, and no one ever really knows what that means or understands why I do it, so reading this may give some answers to that. I don't know how to upload a pdf file so I'll just paste it below if your interested in reading it, it's just over 2,000 words which isn't much.

If you have an opinion let me know in the comments below!

For a long time, the hope of many was to replicate the US experiment around the globe; is it still feasible in 2010? Is it still desirable?

            During the early twentieth century, American President Woodrow Wilson adopted a heightened moral self-righteous diplomacy. Throughout his Presidency, this self-righteousness began to morph into an ideology that power in the hands of the US transformed into virtue. This virtuous ideology began to be increasingly applied to US foreign policy over the course of the century, exemplifying that only the US knows what is best for the world. This was cordially demonstrated by Wilson himself in 1917, saying that “American principles, American policies... are the principles and policies of every forward looking man and woman everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. These are the principles of mankind and must prevail” (Cited in Hoff, 2008: 13). The twentieth century was undoubtedly the American century, and the US saw it as their personal and somewhat divine mission to spread its experiment in the name and form of democracy around the world (Knutsen, 1999: 193). Its power and projection was so vast and successful that the US experiment desired emulation by many abroad. However, this utopia has gradually eroded away as a result of America’s own exceptionalism, which has led one author to (Mason, 2009: 212) declare that “the US experiment no longer seams feasible or even desirable”. Perhaps the most prominent area where the US experiment is being trialled and tested at the moment is in the Middle Eastern and North African Arab states. While Mason’s argument is credible, the experiment’s feasibility and desirability is pervasive on many levels, and is perhaps not as gloomy as Mason suggests it to be. In this essay, I will look at the why US experiment in the ME and NA Arab states is feasible and desirable to the US, and why it is also feasible and desirable to certain actors within the ME and NA Arab states.

After the Cold War in 1991, the US turned its full attention to the spread of democracy. The spread of democracy comes with many benefits, which are felt by the US as caretaker of world order, and the rest of the international community. Newly democratic states can enjoy improved living conditions, the expansion of liberties, a lesser threat of violence and enhanced economic performance. The international community also has the guarantee of an absence of war with the newly democratic state, fewer refugees and the absence of terrorist support  (Lynn-Jones, 1998).

As the brokers of world stability, the spread and consolidation of democracy is crucial to the US. Twenty-first century world politics can be seen as two grinding tectonic plates, which is made even more cumbersome as the pace of change continues to out manoeuvre any predetermined vision. Secretary of State at the time, Condoleezza Rice (2005), embodies these turbulent times in a manifesto expressing that contrary to the concept of sovereignty, states are losing their capacity to act, and no longer can some states address the problems emerging from within their borders. Rice (2005) furthers suggests that the international order is threatened more by what happens within these weak and failing states than by strong and aggressive states. These weak and failing states are increasingly becoming the agents of repression, pandemics, terrorists and proliferators of weapons of mass destruction.  Like many before her, Rice (2005) argues that this instability can only be combated by the spread of democracy. She further suggests that one specific region in the world is so entrenched in this ‘freedom deficit’ that it has led to “the growth of an ideology so vicious and virulent that it leads people to strap suicide bombs to their bodies and fly airplanes into buildings”. The region the Secretary of State is referring to is the Middle East. Of equal importance are the neighbouring Maghreb Arab states of North Africa. Together, this band of states have created what is essentially a belt of instability and impending chaos.

  The ME and NA states are a huge problem area. Not one of the twenty-two Arab ME or NA states are democratic, the area was the home for the 9/11 bombers, and has not caught onto any form of modernisation. Economic growth is slow and inconsistent whilst illiteracy and unemployment are rife. The region spends more money on its militaries as a percentage of gross domestic product than anywhere else in the world. It is not integrated into the world economy, and exports little other than its rich oil reserves. Overall, the region is plagued by an extreme lack of opportunity (Nye, 2004: 18). All of these conditions are sadly facilitated by the impulse towards authoritarian style governments. Entelis (2005: 539) explains that evidently, a complex and intricate web of forces (such as the disconnects above) link autocratic political orders with anemic levels of socioeconomic development and other conditions that run contrary to positive human output. The economic, political and socioeconomic wasteland that the ME and NA states have become requires serious attention from the US, and is a cancer that can only be cured by the spread of democracy through US statecraft. Democracy in these regions is the only lasting guarantee of peace and stability (Rice, 2005). Luckily, outside influence has always been an integral part of shaping state behaviour, and it is this angle that makes the US experiment in the ME and NA Arab states logical (Entelis: 2005; 557). Ultimately, if US democratic efforts fail, “all other roads lead back to 9/11” (Gerech, 2004: 58). It is for these reasons that the US experiment in the spread of democracy and freedom in the ME and NA states is desirable, and mandatorily feasible to the US.

Condoleezza Rice (2005) continues in her manifesto that the fact the ME (and NA) states have no history of democracy is no obstacle, and no excuse for doing nothing. She speaks for American ideals as a whole by saying that democracy can and will succeed in the region because there is an increasing human longing for liberty and democracy. However, as Mason (2009; 212) argues, the US experiment is no longer feasible or even desirable. While much US dissent does exist in the ME and NA regions (Applebaum, 2005: 40; Kirchick, 2009; 23; Shadid, 2003; Stivachtis, 2007: 4), there is enough evidence to suggest that democratic and liberal values are taking hold; and as Rice (2005) argues, democratic and liberal values are increasingly becoming desirable.

Firstly, many have argued that the ME and NA Arab states are immediately inhospitable to democracy because of a fundamental clash of ideals with Islam (Huntington cited in Anderson, 2001: 53). Alternatively, there is extensive research to suggest that these barriers are fictional, and even Islam itself considers the religion to be the oldest form of democracy (Hassouna, 2001: 50). Nye (2004: 19) raises the argument that cultural Islamic barriers to democracy are far from insurmountable because Turkey and Bangladesh are both democratic and Islamic majority states, whilst Gale (2010: 28) argues that Indonesia is the world’s most populous Islamic state, and is also a fully fledged democracy where US influence is unequivocal. A vast majority of ME and NA states in fact believe that “Religion is for God but the government is for the people” (Gerech, 2004; 43). Ultimately, this ideal rests on the fact that Arab exceptionalism prevails, not Islamic exceptionalism (Stepan and Robertson, 2004; 144).

Entilis (2005: 548) and Anderson (2001: 54) suggest that the greatest opposition to democracy in the Arab world is not Islam, but by the authoritarian governments and their militaries that act unaccountably to democratic authority. The need for Arab democracy has already been discussed, but no such progression to democracy has occurred yet simply because the only necessary pretence, the collapse of authoritarianism, has yet to occur (Entelis, 2005: 540). Part of the unfortunate authoritarian tradition in Arab states rests with stalwart relationship between the government and the states military. While most states in the world have their own military, Arab militaries have been condemned as having their own states (Entelis, 2005: 545). Strong militaries have only enhanced the Arab states robustness and resistance to democratic change, thus it seems unlikely for democratic change to occur anytime soon, reflecting on Mason’s (2009: 212) democratic feasibility theory. Adding weight to this argument is the existence of pseudo-democratic institutions, which exist only to delegitimise and crush potential democratic change (Tlili, 2007: 47). From the top down, Arab democracy does seems unfeasible; but there are alternatives.

As raised before, the shape and behaviour of states has always been influenced by external actors, thus it has been suggested for the US to facilitate feasible democracy in the ME and NA, Authoritarianism needs to be ousted by an activist approach (Marr, 1994: 215). Central to this activist approach is US diplomacy in Iraq.  Iraq is the ME linchpin equivalent to freedom as Germany was in Cold War Europe (Rice, 2003: 20). Initially, “no one was willing to take action against the removal of Saddam” (Marr, 1994: 220), but this changed after 9/11. Iraq became the key to the US strategy in replicating the US experiment throughout the Arab states (Dodge, 2009: 220), and the first step was the removal of Saddam Hussein (Nye, 2004: 19). While the four week military campaign in 2003 was successful in toppling the dictator, unprecedented domestic and international turmoil followed which greatly undermined US credibility. Whilst the initial failures of the Iraq democratic experiment may have appeared to make democratic change unfeasible to the rest of the region, Dodge (2006: 225) suggests that the experiment isn’t over yet, and that democracy will take a long time to truly consolidate. Thus, democracy certainly should not be rendered as unfeasible.

While dissent against US policy exists, mostly against the invasion in Iraq, the subjects of the region have little to argue against that the removal of a genocidal dictator had its benefits. There has been a wide consensus and growing desire within the Arab world towards freedom against political tyranny and democratic ideals (Nye, 2004: 19), and President Bush’s invasion of Iraq should be credited as the major catalyst for “breaking through the permafrost of entrenched Authoritarian Arab governments” (Hicks, 2004). The tireless promotion of democracy in the region has lead to many to jumping on the reform debate. Pletka (2004) articulates that what was once reserved for the pages of London or Paris newspapers has popped up in government controlled Arab press publications, in what has become a windfall debate about democracy. Even autocrats themselves have joined in on the debate about democratising the Arab world. Whilst talking of reform in the ME would have formerly been considered heresy and met with state repression, it is openly spoken about by many reformers in the effort to root out Autocracy and dictatorship (Hicks, 2004). Gerecht (2004: 14) adds to this by saying the most underreported story that emerged from the region is the desire for political change, and the frequent emergence of home grown civil action groups. It is important to note that these groups have not been cultivated by the US; moreover, the onset of the US experiment only gave the reformist groups a voice. Furthermore, civic groups as early as 1991 were established in the ME to promote US democratic ideals (Shadid, 2003). Ultimately, most Arab’s are admit to welcoming reform form the outside world, and an Egyptian newspaper even read that putting off reform is like “playing with fire” (Cited in Pletka, 2004). It is undisputed that the US experiment is desirable within the ME and NA regions. As the least politically free region in the world, Arabs are becoming increasingly frustrated of being the laughing stock of an advancing world (Pletka, 2004). Perhaps encapsulating this frustration was the Doha Declaration for Democracy and Reform in 2004, which pleaded to autocrats to stop hiding behind the Israeli question as a prerequisite for political reform, and to face inevitable change.

 To further determine the feasibility and desirability of the US experiment in the ME and NA states, it is traditionally recognised that democracy cannot be imposed by force, and that change must come from within (Marr, 1993: 225). The US has acknowledged  this (Rice, 2005), but believes that opportunities need to be made to facilitate change, such as the Iraq invasion. The US invasion of Iraq was however the major catalyst for internal change, which was embodied through the subsequent folly of debate for reform. Such positive debate from within the NA and ME nations demonstrates that the US experiment is both feasible and desirable. It is interesting here to look at the case of Iran, which was not long ago the most staunch anti-American state on the planet. Yet, following the 1979 revolution, the vanguard of change Mohammed Mossadegh showed Iranians that they deserved independence, democracy and prosperity. These values gradually chipped away at society, and while the Authoritarian government may have been able to reversed the installation of a democratic government, it has in no way been able to reverse democratic culture. Iran as a nation is at a turning point whereby its leaders will inevitably have to face democratic reform, or come into conflict with the majority of the democratic aspiring society (Molavi, 2005; 59-63). If democracy is to come from within, Iran encapsulates that the US experiment is both feasible and desirable.  Recently, the Moroccan King Mohammed VI expressed that “we (Morocco) are not Germany, Sweden or Spain... and we have to have our own specific features of democracy” (Anderson, 2001, 58). Piece by piece, through the press, through the people and eventually the autocrats themselves (all representing their own little piece in the spectrum of democracy), the ME and NA societies will exemplify that undoubtedly, the US experiment in the ME and NA Arab regions is both feasible and desirable.

Throughout its time as the current world power, the US has seen its mission to spread its experiment in the name and form of democracy. Its power and projection was so vast and successful that the US experiment desired emulation by many abroad.  However, one author (Mason, 2009: 212) has argued that “the US experiment no longer seams feasible or even desirable”.  In order to maintain stability in the region, the US has imposed its experiment in the troubled ME and NA Arab states. The current reality is however not as gloomy as Mason argues it to be, and the US experiment is undisputedly feasible and desirable to the US, whilst also feasible and desirable to certain actors within the ME and NA Arab states.

Anderson, Lisa. 2001. “Arab Democracy: Dismal Prospects.” World Policy Journal. Fall. Pp. 53-60.

Applebaum, Anne. 2009. “In Search of Pro-Americanism.” Foreign Policy 149, July/August. Pp. 32-41.

Brinkley, Joel. 2004. “US Slows Bid to Advance Democracy In Arab World.” The New York Times. December 5.

Dodge, Toby. 2006. “War and Resistance in Iraq: From Regime Change to Collapsed State.’ InThe Iraq War: Causes and Consequences, edited by Rick Faun and Raymond Hinnebusch, 211-44. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Entelis, John P. 2005. “The Democratic Imperative Vs. The Authoritarian Impule: The Maghreb State Between Transition and Terrorism.” The Middle East Journal. 55, no.4. Pp. 537-558.

Gale, Bruce. 2010. “US Influence Still Undeniably Strong.” The Strights Times. October 1.

Gerecht, Reuek Marc. 2004. The Islamis Paradox: Shiite Clerics, Sunni Fundamentalists, and the Coming of Arab Democracy. Washington: American Enterprise Institute Press.

Hassouna, Hussein A. 2001. “Arab Democracy: The Hope” World Policy Journal. Fall. Pp. 49-52.

Hicks, Neil. 2004. “Bush Fires Up Mideast Reform.” Los Angeles Times. September 8.

Hoff, Joan. 2008. A Faustian Foreign Policy: From Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush, Dreams of Perfectability. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Kirchick, James. 2009. “What Price Popularity? Pursuing the favour of global publics has not shown the results President Obama heralded; it may be making things worse.” Commentary, 128, no. 4. Pp 22-27

Knutsen, Torbjorn L. 1999. The Rise and Fall or World Orders. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press.

Lynn-Jones, Sean M. 1998.  “Why the US Should Spread Democracy.” Paper presented at the Centre for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, July.

Marr. Phebe. 1994. “The United States, Europe and the Middle East: An Uneasy Triangle.” The Middle East Journal. 48. No. 2. Pp. 211-225.

Mason, David. 2009. The End of the American Century. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.

Molavi, Afshin. 2005. “A New Day In Iran?” Smithsonian. 35. No.12. Pp. 54-63.

Nye, Joseph S., Jr. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs.

Plekta, Danielle. 2004. “Arabs on the Verge of Democracy.” The New York Times. August 9.

Rice, Condoleezza. 2005. “The Promise of Democratic Peace.” The Washington Post. December 11.

Rice, Condoleezza. 2003. “Middle East Transformation: Not So Simple.” The Washington Post.  August 16.

Sahdid, Anthony. 2003. “Old Friends Turn Away from the US.” The Washington Post. February26.

Stepan, Alfred C. And Graeme B. Robertson. 2004. “Arab, Not Muslim Exceptionalism.”Journal of Democracy. 15, no.4. Pp. 140-146.

Stivachtis, Yannis. 2007. “Understanding anti-Americanism.” Research Institute European and American Studies. No. 109. May, Pp. 1-16.

Tlili, Mustapha. 2001. “Arab Democracy: A Possible Dream?” World Policy Journal. Fall. Pp. 47-48.

Noosa Tri

The field at Noosa this year was perhaps the most competitive field in my short history of the race since 2007. The race this year also had the added excitement of Craig Walton's comeback to racing. Contrary to the collective good of my own self, I came into this competitive field the most unprepared since my debut in 2007. I finished the race in 4th, a few seconds off the podium when I was 18, 5th when I was 19, and 3rd last year when I was 20. My times had gotten better each year, specifically the bike split, and it is interesting to know that the first year I did the elite race in 2007 is considered Craig Walton's farewell race, even though he retired 5 months or so after. Going into 2007's race as a non-drafting virgin, the only goal I had in my head was to stick with Craig for as a long as I could. I succeeded easily in the swim, but failed at about 3km into the bike when I popped. It is however this thought that had me saying to myself  during Sunday's race that the position I found myself in was one that you could only dream about (read more to find out why).

The swim was quite easy for me, and I had the pleasure of sitting on Walton's feet for the duration. It felt easy, but it was certainly fast. In 2008 I lead the swim and pushed hard, but wasn't able to get the feet suckers down past about 5 heads. On sunday, only myself and one other athlete were able to stick with Craig. So in this respect, it was the fastest Noosa swim I have done. I quickly took charge onto the bike and was waiting for Craig to ride past me at a similar speed to that I witnessed back in 2007. There were rumors floating around pre-race about Walton doing a 53minute 40kmTT, which soon changed into a 52minute 40km. Regardless of discretion, everyone knew he would be storming on the bike. So I was waiting and waiting, and it finally came at about the 5km mark. I stuck with Craig this time and looked back to see no one else in sight. The Noosa bike course is tough, and you go over rollers for the first 10km before you hit a steady 3km climb. The 3km climb is a draft legal section because it's quite technical, so usually if there's a group of us we bunch up and swap off. As soon as we hit the hill, I rode up to Craig and suggested swapping off, he said 'why not', so I got to work. About a minute into it I pulled off but he didn't come through, and perhaps for the first time ever in Noosa history, someone had dropped Craig Walton on the bike. It sounds cocky, but at this time I had myself saying (as I mentioned earlier) that these are the kinds of races you could only dream about. Up the top of the hill I put my head down and rode hard to the 20km turnaround with still seemingly no one in sight. I thought I could drop Walton the win was imminent. However as I made the 20km u-turn, about 200m back was a bunch of 10 looking like they were swapping off to catch me...my heart sunk. I relaxed and waited for the inevitable. I rode in the bunch for the rest of the ride, which was pathetic to say the least. I feel sorry for myself not because I got caught, but because I got caught by a group of 10 drafting. Sure there were a few honest ones in a group, but the deeds of the honest guys are ultimately canceled out by the majority of dishonest. There was a draft buster with the pack the entire time, but did not make one call or one decision (what's the point of rules if they not enforced?). There isn't much to say about the run, I just couldn't keep up with some of the fresh legged drafters, and was never going to be able to keep up with Gemmell or Atkinson.

So in 2007 I finished 4th about 4 minutes back from Walton after getting dropped by him on the bike. Yesterday, I dropped Walton on the bike, but was still about 3 minutes behind winner Courtney Atkinson to finish 11th. I was certainly pleased in myself that I could ride off the front after such a bungled and disjointed preparation, and this only makes me more confident that I can stay away for the entire 40/10km of the race next year. Sure I could have chosen not to take a month off in September, and not to miss another 10 days of training to go to Delhi, but I have no regrets. I showed to myself and perhaps a few others what I could do on such a limited preparation.

I should probably add here that I got chicked by my girlfriend Ashleigh Gentle (34: 30) on the run by about 30 seconds. She had an amazing come from behind race to finish second to recent Kona 2nd place Steffen. Ash is only getting faster, and is approaching big things so it's certainly exciting times for her.

Congratulations to everyone else who competed at Noosa, it's such a fantastic event and should be experienced by everyone who considers themselves a triathlete :) Hopefully there will be some pictures floating around soon for me to post up.

Noosa Imminent

Read this article by this relatively unknown but tryinghardtomakeit website. Yes that is my comment at the bottom.

I'm still yet to write a post-Delhi blog, but have been busy with trying to write literature and take a side on the declining US world order debate, specifically in regard to the Middle East. If I like it enough I might put it up here for those interested in such affairs.

Noosa is next weekend!

Carrying A Load

The Dayboro pines looked too good to ride past this morning :)